"Netanyahu is afraid to appoint me as Finance Minister": Who are you really, Yaron Zelekha?

Until now, you have heard about him mainly through videos on social networks. You may have even come across another video of his about the cost of living that exploded in your feed, or another attack on banks, monopolies, or politicians. But behind the videos and big promises is a person who is now asking for one thing — real political power.

Now14Author: Itzhak Abuchatzira
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"Netanyahu is afraid to appoint me as Finance Minister": Who are you really, Yaron Zelekha?
Photo: Now14 / פרופ' ירון זליכה. יצליח להביא את השינוי המיוחל? צילום: ניצן גינת

Until now, you have heard about him mainly through videos on social networks. You may have even come across another video of his about the cost of living that exploded in your feed, or another attack on banks, monopolies, or politicians. But behind the videos and big promises is a person who is now asking for one thing — real political power.

So who is Yaron Zelekha really? A right-wing person or a politician willing to sit with the left? Why does he refuse to commit to whether he will go with Netanyahu or his opponents? How does he intend to lower the cost of living, draft the ultra-Orthodox, and deal with the war? And can he really make the average Israeli family have about 2,000 shekels more in their pocket every month?

In a special interview for C14, Zelekha opens up everything: the three-hour meeting with Benjamin Netanyahu on the eve of the war, his claim that the Prime Minister is "afraid" to appoint him as Finance Minister, the sharp attack on Bezalel Smotrich, Raviv Drucker, and the media, the position against a Palestinian state, the plan he refuses to reveal for drafting the ultra-Orthodox — and also his big promise: within two years to start closing the cost-of-living gap with the West and leave the Israeli family thousands of extra shekels every month.

We hear from you quite a bit, mainly on social networks. So let's put things in order in a few words — what exactly do you bring to politics? What are your plans?

"Sometimes it takes one moment to move from darkness to light. I promise you, within three months the public will not recognize the country and will not understand why it was necessary to wait so many years to lower the cost of living here. And I suggest to the readers of 'Israel Hayom' — get ready. When I and my friends control the Treasury, we will transform the country. And what does that mean? We will open the market to competition in banking, insurance, food, in all areas of life. We will disconnect politicians from the udders of the tycoons, throw the lobbyists out of the Knesset, and with God's help, bring light to the public."

Already in the first minutes of the conversation, Zelekha does not try to lower expectations. On the contrary. He promises a quick and deep change and presents the fight against the cost of living as the central mission with which he seeks to reach the centers of decision-making.

Doesn't it sound a bit pretentious to say that within three months you will change everything?

"No, it's really not pretentious. What is pretentious is what the politicians managed to engineer in the public's consciousness, as if nothing can be done. I tell you, all prices will go down. Everything: housing, banking, insurance, cars, food — everything."

So if you are already committing to these things, let's ask for real. If you, Yaron Zelekha, are the next Finance Minister — by how much do you commit, say, in a range of two years, to lower the cost of living here?

"I tell you very clearly: the cost of living in Israel is between 35 to 40 percent higher than the cost of living in Western Europe and the United States. And I commit within two years to lower this gap by at least a quarter. At least 10 percent of those 40. Just so you understand, 10 percent of 40 means that the Israeli public will have 60 billion shekels more in their pocket. 60 billion shekels in their pocket a year! Divide that by the number of families and you will understand what a huge piece of news this is. By the way, not only for the public, but also for the government."

Let's talk per family. What does that mean for an average family with two children?

"It means on the order of 25 thousand shekels a year. 2,000 shekels a month on average."

And what about housing?

"It's within the whole basket. To reduce the cost of living, the gap between Israel and Western Europe or the United States, which currently stands at 40 percent — within two years to bring it to 30 percent, within another two years to bring it to 20 percent, and if they want me to continue — then within another four years to lower it to zero."

The numbers he presents are ambitious, but from his point of view, the problem is not the state's inability to deal with the cost of living — but in those who hold the power and interests that prevent, according to him, the change.

If you had to point to one central reason why it is so expensive here and why nothing changes, what would you point to?

"The corrupt connection between capital owners who are interested in perpetuating the existing situation and the politicians. And this connection is expressed in three mechanisms. The first and most corrupt of them is the revolving door. Look where our Interior Minister in the outgoing government went to work, look where the Interior Minister in the previous government went to work. Both went to work where? In real estate companies. So when they tell you that they are trying very hard to lower housing prices, who were they working for? Us? Themselves? The tycoons who took them to work?

"Do you really believe that there is any real estate tycoon who made a donation — and this is the second mechanism — to Gadi Eizenkot, like Alfred Akirov, the big real estate tycoon, who provided a guarantee to Gadi Eizenkot for a million shekels, if Eizenkot really intended to lower housing prices? The same Akirov also provided guarantees to Gideon Sa'ar and Benny Gantz. Miracle of miracles that they didn't manage to lower housing prices and they only went up? You really don't think there is a connection?

"And the third thing is, of course, the commercial media. Media outlets are controlled and financed by Bank Hapoalim and Bank Mizrahi, and of course Strauss, Tnuva, Coca-Cola, and all these robbers who make our lives miserable and finance the owners of the commercial media channels, finance the pollsters who try to make me and the revolution I am bringing disappear from the Israeli public, for the very simple reason — I am going to bring their judgment day."

From here the conversation naturally moves to Zelekha's tense relationship with the media. He does not settle for criticism of politicians and capital owners, but claims that some media outlets also operate out of a conflict of interest.

If you have such sharp criticism towards these media outlets, why do you want them to interview you and conduct polls for you so much? After all, you say they are corrupt anyway. Why appear there?

"Where did you see me appearing there? On Channel 13? When I appear there, it is only to confront them about the lies they spread about me. So what is better? Not to go to Raviv Drucker and let him spread lies and libel about me without me even having the ability to respond, or to go and confront him? After all, he built a militia of people there to confront me. Why did he need a militia of people to confront me?"

Are you actually saying that this whole thing was a pre-planned ambush?

"It was a planned ambush, and I knew it was a planned ambush and I wasn't afraid. I came with a big smile and self-confidence and called him a liar in front of the whole nation! And not only did I call him a liar, I also explained to the entire viewing public there that the one pulling his strings is the advertisers I am fighting! The same Coca-Cola, Tnuva, Strauss, the banks, the car importers, and the big contractors! The same ones who pay and finance the channel that pays his salary! What do you think? That someone who makes a living from these people can go out and help people like me who are going to make a change here in the country?"

So you are actually saying that Raviv Drucker, quite consciously, is conducting an interview with you as if he were a journalist, when in fact his interests are completely different?

"A, his interests are a fact. The interests of his workplace are to increase the profitability of their advertisers, and I am going to decrease the profitability of their advertisers. This is not up for debate. This conflict of interest is not up for debate. The second thing, in journalism, when you ask a question — you give the other side a chance to respond and answer. Notice that in every question he asked, he didn't let me get out more than five words in a row before he fed the public another lie and another lie. Five interviewers against one person, and even with all that they couldn't handle me. Channel 12 is even worse than him!"

After you were there for an interview, they ran a 'joke' about you regarding your video with the cottage cheese. You have a video where you are seen talking about the fact that cottage cheese is a controlled product, when in fact it is not. How do you explain that?

"They took a segment from a lecture where I made a long story short. Cottage cheese is a product whose price is influenced by the controlled price. And it is true that it was not controlled at every moment, but it was a product under control. When it came out of control, they raised prices, and immediately the cottage cheese protest broke out and they were forced to stop the price increase. When the protest calmed down, I and my friends filed a class action lawsuit against cottage cheese, against white cheese, and against heavy cream. Each of the friends took a different field and filed these class action lawsuits. And therefore they were stopped again, and the class action lawsuit was based on the difference between the controlled price and the price they tried to charge.

"So it is true that I was not precise, but in the bottom line, the essence was correct. The price of cottage cheese was a price that was influenced by the level of control, and therefore they were not satisfied with it, and therefore they were not in a hurry to fix the glitch that, miracle of miracles, happened.

"What is interesting is that Raviv Drucker was very sensitive to the nuances of my wording, but he completely ignored the fact that the public is being robbed here. About this, a wise Jewish man already said: one must be careful of people who strain out the gnat and swallow the camel. Raviv Drucker tried to strain out the gnat, but the camel we are all swallowing: the robbery of Strauss, the robbery of Tnuva, the robbery of the car importers, and the robbery of the big contractors — all those who advertise with Drucker and actually finance his salary."

You aspire to be Finance Minister, and as you say regarding this cottage cheese case — in general it was correct, but in the end you were not so precise.

"I shortened, I simply shortened. It is impossible in a lecture to the public to feed them all the information in every detail on every trifle. John Maynard Keynes, the greatest economist of all time, said — and I stick to this statement: it is better to be approximately right than precisely wrong. I in this case was approximately right, and Drucker is precisely wrong. Only the price of Drucker's mistake — we all continue to pay every day at the supermarket."

Zelekha does not retreat from the criticism. Even when he is asked to explain why he specifically will succeed where other Finance Ministers failed, he rejects the premise of the question.

There were quite a few Finance Ministers before you and all kinds of governments that tried to fight monopolies and housing prices, including in the current government — both Smotrich and Barkat. In fact, we see that they all failed at this one after another. Why will you, Yaron Zelekha, specifically succeed?

"Because there is a fundamental error in your question. You think they tried and didn't succeed, and I tell you that they didn't try, and very much succeeded in serving those who sent them, those who finance them, those they are afraid to mess with.

"Listen, on my first day in the Treasury, I confiscated bank guarantees, fined in large amounts, and canceled contracts with the Ofer, Fishman, Dankner, and Borovich families. What do you think, is that fun? These people start to exert a long series of pressures and threats on you. At the end of the threats, I had to drag my daughters with bodyguards to kindergarten, with the nanny to the park. It's not pleasant!

"Therefore, the politicians who are in power tell you stories that they are trying to fight the cost of living, but it's not true, it's a lie! And let's take a very concrete example: the ridiculous reform of Bezalel Smotrich — the milk reform. After all, what did he supposedly try to do? He tried to pretend to do what I always say: open the import to compete with milk and dairy products, right?

"But what did he forget in his reform? That in opening the import, it is forbidden to allow the huge monopolies, the local tycoons, to take over the import! What is the point of opening the import to competition if Tnuva and Strauss will take it over in two minutes? After all, a normal reform means opening the import and banning Tnuva and Strauss from importing! The import is supposed to compete with them, not give them another tool to eliminate us!"

"And that he suddenly forgot. Now why did he forget? Seriously, why copy a quarter of a reform from me and ignore its safety valve? By mistake? On purpose? Out of stupidity? Fill in the blank. I tell you that they didn't try to fight the cost of living, quite the opposite. They tried to continue and strengthen the local monopolies, and we are paying the price."

If I summarize what you are saying, Finance Ministers in Israel know what needs to be done, but chose not to do it?

"Worse: chose not to do, to do the opposite, and to try to cheat us as if they are trying and not succeeding."

When the conversation reaches the personal price of the confrontations he managed in the past, Zelekha insists on distinguishing between the way he "presents himself" and what he sees as a proven record.

You mentioned earlier the matter of the bodyguards. You present yourself as a whistleblower and as someone who fights…

"First of all, forgive me for interrupting you, I don't present myself as a whistleblower. As a fact, I am the only person in Israel who has both the Knight of Quality Government award, the Exemplary Courage award for fighting corruption, and the Paper award for fighting crime and corruption. There is no other person who has even two, and not all three awards.

"So with all due respect, I don't present myself. These are my achievements, these are my skills, this is my record, this is what I have done for 25 years. So don't take this and connect it as if I am presenting myself like in a costume. I am not a politician, I am a real person."

You don't present yourself, you really worked and also received these awards and prizes. Now my question: beyond what you had once with the bodyguards, is this something that causes you even these days to fear for your life?

"No, really not. I feel everywhere I go a lot of love and support in the public, a lot. By the way, Arabs and Jews, right-wingers and left-wingers. I just returned from a short vacation from Mikritin. My son, with God's help, is drafting next week, and we went on a trip before drafting in Mikritin — a beach vacation. At the airport, two Israeli Arab citizens approached me. One of them is a doctoral student in epidemiology and his wife is an optometrist, and both of them support me. Arabs of Israel! By the way, they are also right-wing in their views, amazing! I receive support and a hug from all over the country because I tell the truth, and my record has spoken for itself for 25 years."

But this does not contradict the fact that it may be that you receive love in the public, but there are such and other factors that don't like it, and they see that you are serious in your intentions and say: "Okay, maybe we will approach ideas a little less conventional?"

"I thank you for the advice you are handing out to them in this interview, but let's not exaggerate. I think that we are a country that has a lot of huge economic potential. I want to remind you that my five years in the Treasury were the five best years in the economic history of Israel. At the beginning of my term, the real national income per capita in Israel was 49% of the income in the United States, and at the end of the five years we were at 62%. We never reached this peak of 62%. Just so you understand, on the eve of the war we were at 48%.

"20 years this country has been living on the achievements of Netanyahu and mine then in the first five years in the Treasury. And don't start telling me like Drucker 'you are not precise because Netanyahu was with you only two and a half years'. He was with me, indeed, two and a half years, but the policy we set remained for five years. Here, I am now careful to be precise so that Drucker doesn't make another video. We can live here differently. You won't believe how fast you can change life here."

From here the conversation moves to Netanyahu — a person to whom Zelekha, on one hand, attributes exceptional abilities, and on the other, criticizes sharply, both in the economic and in the political-security field.

Since you already mentioned Netanyahu, I think you said recently that he consulted with you during the war, right?

"No, on the eve of the war."

On the eve of the war. You sat for a few hours, right?

"Three hours."

Why, if he sees you as someone who understands the matter and really has the knowledge, does he not call you to be his Finance Minister?

"So let's think for a moment about what he is on trial for. He is on trial because he — and it doesn't matter what we think or don't think about the trial, I am talking only about the facts — is on trial for allegedly or not allegedly, everyone fill in the blank, benefits he gave to capital owners to receive such or another media coverage.

"Now, there is no dispute that in the last 20 years he really did not confront capital owners. And now you come and suggest he appoint the biggest enemy of these robbers as Finance Minister, and give him the keys to crush them. Why would he do that? Why would he fight with them?"

So he is actually afraid to appoint you as Finance Minister?

"Unequivocally! And for me to be Finance Minister, I need to come with independent political power."

And if you have political power, he won't be afraid?

"If he has no choice and I am the 'tipping point', then he will swallow the bitter pill and be forced to go out with me to battle against the capital owners."

Speaking of the 'tipping point', if you really reach the point where you need to decide: Netanyahu or Eizenkot — what do you decide?

"I tell you that I am not in this game. If you come with me tomorrow to a convention in Or Yehuda and we do an exercise and ask the participants: 'Who wants me to go with Bibi?' — half will vote. 'Who wants me to go with the anti-Bibi?' — half will vote.

"And I tell you very simply: I am not in this game! I want you to close your eyes for a moment. Imagine that two robbers break into your house. One is called 'only Bibi' and the other is called 'only not Bibi'. And you want to call a policeman named Zelekha to save you from the robbery, but they tell you: 'Listen, I'm going with you only if you go with this thief, or only if you go with that robber'. Come on, I'm not in the game.

"I want to lower the cost of living. Whoever cooperates with me — with him I will go. The only limitation I imposed on myself is that I will not sit with Arab parties and will not rely on them, and not because I am against the Arabs of Israel, really not! I am for the full integration of the Arabs of Israel. But the Arab parties have joined the enemies of Israel and I don't believe them."

In the Channel 14 poll last weekend, according to the data, most of your voters would like to see Netanyahu as Prime Minister. What do you think about that?

"That all my voters would like to see the cost of living go down and that is the most important thing for them."

And yet?

"My opinion is that I have a very large public from the right side, but I also have a not small public from the center. In any case, I want to remind you that even young left-wingers cannot buy an apartment, and even young right-wingers cannot even rent an apartment. Even left-wingers cannot buy at the supermarket without getting anxiety, and even right-wingers cannot buy at the supermarket without getting half a heart attack. I am going to lower the cost of living for everyone."

During the last term, we saw quite a few confrontations in the media between Smotrich and the Governor of the Bank of Israel. What do you think about this whole show?

"My opinion is that both of them staged a masquerade there and hid behind it. Smotrich conducted a policy that raises the cost of living. He simply didn't function, he didn't execute any of the reforms, and when he tried to pass something — it was a bluff.

"Let's take for example the issue of the VAT and customs exemption on personal import. After all, this is my initiative that I have been promoting for several years. He and I appeared together on 'The Patriots'. By the way, he refused to appear together, he demanded to appear right after me. In the appearance on 'The Patriots', I raised my initiative again: let's free the people of Israel, let's allow them to bypass all these robbing importers and import themselves through Amazon or through other sites. Allow the people of Israel to import themselves. Why do they need to go to Shufersal, so the importers there will rob them? Or to Super-Pharm, or to any other place? Let the people of Israel import alone through the mail, thank God there is mail in the country.

"Smotrich came up after me and said: 'Under no circumstances, this is destruction, this is damage'. What destruction? What damage? What is the great destruction and damage of continuing the robbery of the people of Israel? Allow the people of Israel, free the people of Israel. Opposed with all force.

"A year and a half passes, his situation in the polls is terrible, suddenly he raises Zelekha's idea and says: 'Sure! Let's pass an exemption'. Instead of putting it through the Arrangements Law, he tries to pass independent legislation. How is that possible? He didn't know it would fail? Why didn't he pass it through the Arrangements Law? It's easy to raise it in the Arrangements Law, the coalition is obligated to vote as one person, and immediately the exemption would pass, and the people of Israel would already be buying for a year and a half in comfort, quietly, at cheap prices. Why didn't he do it? Because he tried to cheat us! They make efforts as if they are trying and not succeeding, but they sabotage themselves."

In short, you don't see a reason to publicly attack the Governor of the Bank of Israel?

"I didn't need to publicly attack the Governor of the Bank of Israel, because I would have done my job, and I would have lowered the cost of living on my own, and then I wouldn't have needed to attack the Governor of the Bank of Israel.

"And let me reveal more than that: when I lower the cost of living, you will see that the Governor of the Bank of Israel will also lower the interest rate. So there is no need to attack him, he will lower the interest rate on his own. What do you think, does he enjoy a high interest rate? He makes a high interest rate because Smotrich doesn't do his job, and then confuses all of us that he didn't succeed.

"And he exploits the fact that the Governor of the Bank of Israel is simply a polite person. Because a person a little less polite would have told him: 'Sir, go do your job, stop hiding behind me'."

So far, most of the interview revolves around economics. However, anyone who asks to enter the Knesset and the government will be required to make decisions also on security and political issues. Zelekha defines himself as a right-winger, but emphasizes again and again that the fight against the cost of living from his point of view precedes the accepted political division.

Most of the public knows you mainly through economics, but in fact, as a Knesset member or minister, you will have to vote on many other things, such as wars, political agreements, deals, etc. What is in general your political-security concept?

"First of all, I must tell you that my 400 thousand followers do know my political-security positions. I indeed don't talk about them very much, but I talk enough. And my positions — and I never hid it — I am a right-wing person. But I repeat: I am not in anyone's pocket, I am only in the pocket of the cost of living. That is what I want — to lower the cost of living."

In the past you voted with Meretz and Shelly Yachimovich.

"Unequivocally! I am willing to join even with the devil to lower the cost of living. And I cooperated with both Shelly Yachimovich and Zehava Galon, and I will cooperate with the entire Knesset.

"By the way, in matters of cost of living I am willing to cooperate also with the Arab parties. Not to rely on them, right, but to cooperate to pass reforms to reduce the cost of living? Certainly and certainly! The entire Israeli people benefit from reducing the cost of living, it is the interest of all of us: Arabs and Jews, Mizrahim and Ashkenazim, all of us! This is not my private mission.

"You know, it just shocks me: we send hundreds of thousands of reservists, and of course soldiers in regular service, to fight the monsters of Hamas, Iran, and Hezbollah. But when they finish their reserve service, one moment after our heroic soldiers return from battle, they are forced to fight for survival of a different kind — for economic survival. For the need to buy an apartment, finance studies, buy at the supermarket, finance all the robbery that the monopolies, the importers, the banks, and of course the government stole from us. If we return to the media channels, who are the owners of the media channels? Those same robbers!"

To do them a reform from 'measures to key'?

"Measures to the tent. With all due respect, the five years that housing prices fell consecutively were my five years in the Treasury. Before me they rose, after me they rose. How is that?"

What do you think about Netanyahu, not on a personal level, specifically on the political-security level? Do you think he is navigating the ship correctly?

"Look, Netanyahu represents a dichotomy that is hard to understand. On one hand, he is truly an erudite person, with vision, foresight, and long-term perspective. You can't take that away from him. On the other hand, he is the worst manager I have ever seen in my life. Never able to bring a vision to execution. We are going from catastrophe to catastrophe. No war ends! No war, after three years, ends."

Does it depend on him in your opinion? Is he the story?

"It depends a lot on him. Not saying it depends only on him, but it depends a lot on him. And let's take for a moment the seventh of October, this catastrophic disaster, the greatest in the history of the people of Israel since the establishment of the state.

"When I finished my work in the Treasury, we allocated for security 7% of the national income. For every 100 shekels that this country made, we gave seven shekels to security. Because in his years the cost of living rose and he failed — I tell you intentionally, but everyone can call it what they want — failed in the war on the cost of living, we didn't grow.

"Because we didn't grow, not only did the citizens not have money in their pocket, also the government didn't have money in their pocket. And as a result of this, hospitals were not built here, not enough infrastructure was built here, not enough welfare institutions were built here, not enough classrooms were built here, and also the army was cut! He with his own hands is responsible for the policy that lowered the share of security in the GDP from seven shekels per 100 to five shekels per 100.

"Do you know what the difference is in accumulated money? 40 billion shekels a year! Mr. Netanyahu is responsible for cutting the share of security in the GDP in the amount of 40 billion shekels a year. So what is the wonder that they went out to close divisions? What is the wonder that they closed half of our tank fleet? And what is the wonder that the half that remained didn't have a 'windbreaker'? Until today there are no helmets for soldiers! Until today mothers of heroic soldiers in Lebanon have to buy football nets to cover our heroic soldiers? Does that seem logical to you?"

The criticism of Netanyahu sharpens when the conversation reaches the ongoing war. From Zelekha's point of view, the security problem and the economic problem are not separate from each other — but are directly related.

The war has been going on for three years already. What in fact needs to happen? End it in Gaza? In Lebanon? Withdrawal? What needs to be done?

"Let's go step by step. In Gaza we didn't finish the job. We didn't finish the job. And we stopped under pressure from President Trump. Why is he not able to withstand this pressure? Let him finish the job, for God's sake! Three years!"

He cannot be confrontational towards Trump all the time.

"I said all the time? I didn't say all the time. But on this issue, we have been treading water in Gaza for months. We didn't finish the job. We left Hamas there. They report today that 50 Nukhba terrorists are training to carry out an attack, and we are not attacking them. Does that seem logical to you? After three years, after 1,400 dead? What, shall we start everything from the beginning?"

So what do you suggest?

"I suggest completing the job. With Trump or without Trump. But so that you can stand up to Trump and tell him: 'With all due respect, I am finishing the job', we need to have enough money to build the six divisions that Bibi closed, to double our tank fleet that Bibi closed half of, to buy dozens of new fighter squadrons instead of those that Bibi closed.

"It is very small wisdom to be right-wing but to manage a deficit budget that is not capable of financing anything and to empty the emergency warehouses! What kind of right-wing is that? To talk high-high and behind you there is nothing? No weapons, no ammunition, no equipment, no helmets, no vests, no night vision equipment!"

"And the same thing in the health system. Does it seem logical to you that the last hospital built in the country is the hospital in Ashdod, for which I issued the tender for its establishment? I left the Treasury 20 years ago! By the way, also this hospital in Ashdod, how many years did they delay it? How many years did they delay it until I came to the Treasury and made money? Check! Check how many years they planned the hospital in Ashdod and didn't issue a tender for its establishment because the government didn't have money! They had to wait 20 years until I came to generate money to issue the hospital in Ashdod, and another 20 years and there is still no additional hospital! The same thing I can say about welfare systems, environment, and transportation."

Specifically about what you say — many times it feels as if in real time, when the state needs money, during Corona for example for grants or during the war for reserves and security, suddenly they know how to find billions and tens of billions. But specifically when it comes to hospitals on the periphery, in emergency rooms, etc., suddenly for that there is no money. Why?

"The story is very simple: when you distribute money to your friends, there is no money left for the real needs of the people of Israel.

"When you sell us to Tnuva, to Strauss, to Coca-Cola, and to the car importers, then the public doesn't have money left and the government doesn't have money left. In an emergency, you can always take a loan and you will pay it back, what do they care? So you will have even less left after the war. You will have to work even more, pay even more taxes and even more prices at the supermarket, what do they care? It's always possible. And what, the child will work for Tshuva, or for Electra, or for another real estate tycoon. Is that what we wish for our children? Is that what we owe our heroes who fought in the reserves and in the battles?"

In the given situation, do you think that with all the crazy security expenses we have here, is there even anything to talk about regarding lowering the cost of living?

"Unequivocally! It's not related at all. On the contrary, I tell you that reducing the cost of living will allow huge funds for security! I am going to build here a much larger army. And unlike all the chatterboxes in the Knesset, I also know where to bring the money from.

"Do you know where I will bring the money from? From their friends! From Tnuva, from Strauss, from the banks. Do you know that the banks earned in the last year over 32 billion shekels? Their normative profit is half! That means they robbed the people of Israel of 16 billion shekels just this year! Just this year! I am going to bring this money, I am going to bring the money from insurance, from car importers, from Strauss, from Tnuva, from Coca-Cola, and from Unilever! I am not confused!"

So what happens if you are Finance Minister, you got the position, and then you reach the point where they tell you that you need to cut your economic plans for the sake of an addition of tens of billions to security?

"There is no contradiction! This contradiction is imaginary! Reducing the cost of living is supposed to generate the necessary sources so that we have the same security, so that we can finance the security! It is exactly the opposite! Security does not cause the cost of living — the cost of living causes the fact that we don't have money for security.

"And when we don't have money for security, then every leper and snot-nosed person in the Middle East thinks he can attack us. Who would have dared to carry out the seventh of October if we had six more divisions? Who would have dared? Who would have dared to mess with us if we had double the tank fleet and everyone with a 'windbreaker'? Who would have dared? 2,000 people died! We owe them this! And if you want a commission of inquiry — you need to start with the cost of living!"

At this stage, we ask to move from the identity declaration "I am a right-wing person" to the concrete political tests: Palestinian state, annexation, drafting the ultra-Orthodox, and decisions that will obligate him if he enters the Knesset.

You said earlier that you define yourself as a right-wing person. So I want to ask in practice: where will this meet us if there is a vote in the Knesset on annexation in Judea and Samaria, on a Palestinian state, on drafting the ultra-Orthodox, on judicial reform?

"First of all, on every issue I have my own opinion. Regarding a Palestinian state, I think it is a national disaster of the first degree. We must not agree to a Palestinian state even on a millimeter of the Western Land of Israel! A millimeter!"

Annexation?

"Regarding annexation — I am not Ben-Gvir. I think that if it will be possible to reach international agreement, certainly with the United States, on partial annexation of one kind or another — I am for it. Without international agreement, which will isolate us completely in the world, I am not for declarations, I am for action on the ground.

"I will strengthen the settlement very significantly. By the way, among other things because it will also help me lower housing prices."

Drafting the ultra-Orthodox?

"Regarding drafting the ultra-Orthodox, I believe that the entire ultra-Orthodox public, except for Torah geniuses, should be drafted."

That won't happen.

"I will act for a draft law that will draft everyone."

How will you do that? If I now want to vote for you and I want to know how Yaron intends to draft all the ultra-Orthodox — what, I have to wait?

"Wait and see."

Is there a plan?

"There is a plan, and I don't intend to reveal it. I intend to draft everyone, as stated, except for Torah geniuses."

Will it be done in a dignified way or will there be sanctions?

"Always in a dignified way."

Zelekha's power on social networks is a central part of his political campaign, but the number of followers is not necessarily translated into votes at the ballot box. He is also asked about this gap.

Listen, not in a way of disrespecting, God forbid, but there are today network influencers with 600, 700, 800 thousand followers. So what does that mean? That if they run now, their followers are necessarily with them?

"There is a fundamental difference. First, almost 400 thousand of our followers are organic. It's not bots, not sponsored promotion. And the second thing — it's not just models dancing on tables, or cooking shows, or clothes. This is hard, challenging, disappointing, annoying content.

"I explain to my viewers down to the last detail what I am going to do exactly: in food, in cars, in housing, in banking, in insurance. No one who is not interested in bringing the change, joining the change, will sit and watch day after day content that in the end attacks the cost of living from all possible directions."

I must say, I am aware of what is happening on the networks. I see that all kinds of posts related to you go up, and you have quite a few supporters, likes, and comments there. And on the other hand, I meet not one and not two that I talk to about you and they say: "I don't know, he feels like a chatterbox to me, I don't connect to him". Why do you think there are quite a few people who think like that?

"First of all, because I have only 400 thousand followers. And I ask my followers to talk to their families, with their family members, their friends, their brothers and sisters, and their children. I still haven't reached the entire State of Israel.

"Secondly, a not small part of the State of Israel sees Keren Marciano, Amnon Abramovich, and Raviv Drucker, whose salaries placed on their table are financed by the revenues from Coca-Cola, from the banks, from Strauss, from Tnuva, and from all these robbers who make our lives miserable. So what do you expect these people to hear from Keren Marciano and from Raviv Drucker? Lies, lies, and lies!

"And therefore, since they say I am a chatterbox, I suggest to them very simply: everyone who thought I was a chatterbox — let them add a follow on one of the pages of the Economic Party and start watching the videos and content, enter the website and read the detailed platform, see the things, know the problems and our plans, and then decide if we are the chatterboxes or we are the solution."

Do you have any suspicion in yourself that it may be that you are sometimes a bit pretentious and too arrogant regarding the change you can make? Or do you really say: "I believe in this 100% and there is no chance I am wrong"?

"There is no chance I am wrong, and I rely not only on 30 years of education, on two professorships, another two degrees in psychology — but also on my rich experience in practice.

"When I entered the Treasury at the beginning of 2003, the government of Israel went bankrupt! I, alongside Netanyahu, rescued the government of Israel from the most difficult bankruptcy in its history, and brought Israel to the five best years in our economic history. And even then I fought the monopolies, the importers, the contractors, and the banks! And I was alone then.

"Today I am not alone. Today I am a big party, with a huge team, a patrol of managers and excellent people who will come with me, with hundreds of thousands of supporters and with another 30 years of experience. I am going to make a revolution here! And everyone who is interested in life changing needs to join me and help me, instead of looking from the side and clicking their tongue."

Towards the end of the interview, the conversation moves to the question of political connections. Zelekha clarifies that he is not interested in integrating as a professional into an existing party, but to arrive with independent power that will allow him to set conditions.

From knowing you, I know that you would have liked to go for an option of unity. Why is that not happening?

"You are talking about connections?".

Yes.

"So let's make a distinction between joining existing parties and joining new parties. With your permission, I want to start with existing or big parties.

"And I ask — try to imagine for a moment, a bit with humor: a huge ship of pirates, and I and the elite patrol of the Economic Party were chosen to save our heroic young people from cruel pirates. And now think that I and the team are climbing on the deck with guns, vests, helmets, grenades, and then the captain tells me: 'Professor Zelekha, forget about wars, come join us, sit here next to me, I will stroke your head from time to time, I will even allow you to shout at us that we are pirates, so you can feel that you have meaning. You know what? You will be the serial complainer of the ship'.

"Understood? If I join an existing party as a 'pet' Finance Minister, I will harm tens and hundreds of thousands of my supporters, and another tens and hundreds of thousands who pray that I will make the change for them. I will board the ship only with a big and strong party of my own, that I will have enough mandates so that no one can create a government without me. That is the matter.

"And regarding the new parties — look, it's not a secret that none of them has a real electoral base. I said this to everyone. I said this to Hendel, I said this to Erdan, I say this to others: 'You don't have an electoral base, let's connect'."

Did they want you, or did you approach them?

"Part approached me and part I initiated the approach. But to everyone I said: don't go alone. According to all the polls we did, any connection with us realizes the huge potential of those who are dying to vote for us but are afraid. We together can bring 10 mandates.

"All potential partners know this, but they are afraid, simply afraid of the price of confrontations with capital-power. But if the good of the country and the people is before their eyes, then I use your stage and call them: overcome the fear! Free yourselves from the shackles of capital, and I promise you that together we will create a surprise in the elections!"

Is this the only reason there is no such connection?

"No, there is another reason. The additional reason is that there is a conflict — not with everyone, but with some of them there is a clear conflict of interest in agendas. My agenda is to lower the cost of living. This is my agenda! If I don't find a coalition that will cooperate with me, I will not hesitate to sit in the opposition. Their agenda is to be in the government at any price. And when you want something at any price, it means that those who voted for you — you sold.

"Look at Gideon Sa'ar! How he zigzagged from left to right, from left to right, the main thing is to enter the government! I am not like that. And whoever joins me must commit to putting the good of the country at the top of his priorities, and not the good of the chair at the government table!"

So you are too ideological for them?

"I am not an ideologue, but I have very clear principles. It's not a matter of ideology. I want at the end of the term to look the public in the eyes and tell them: 'I promised to lower the cost of living for you — I lowered the cost of living. I promised to lower taxes for you significantly — I lowered. I promised to return and lower housing prices for you again as I did in my time — I lowered them for you'.

"I am a real person. I am not interested in the chair in the government, I am interested in this achievement for the people of Israel. I feel a huge mission, I feel that I and my friends owe this to the public. And I hope that Hendel, Erdan, Elkin — will understand that the goal is not… they were cheated too many times."

So I understand from your words that if for the sake of the matter you receive an offer from one of the big parties: "Come be Finance Minister in our government, but in a reserved spot" — you don't take it.

"Unequivocally not taking it."

I saw in the last days that Naftali Bennett entered strongly into all this matter of the cost of living. He publishes that he will fight companies like Tnuva. What is he actually doing here?

"He, like in the previous elections, is trying to dress up as Yaron Zelekha. But the public is not stupid. It knows that both he, and Eizenkot, and Bibi, and Smotrich — cheated them too many times."

Where do you see yourself in a year?

"Good question, live and see. In any case, I promise you: I will continue to realize myself and try to do the best I know for the people of Israel."

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