Bennett, Eisenkot and Tropper: The issue you are not talking about will decide the fate of 14 mandates | Liora Minka

In the upcoming election campaign, many parties are seeking the trust of the religious-Zionist public, which is estimated to hold 12–14 mandates. This is a very diverse, committed, and involved public, which participates actively and significantly in civil society, in the settlement movement, and in the security system.

Alongside the major issues that will be at the center of the election campaign — such as external and internal security, the cost of living, social division, the conscription issue, government corruption, the judicial system, the state commission of inquiry, the functioning of government systems, welfare, health, interior, education, and more — there is an area where many in this public feel that their voice is silenced and disappearing: religion and state.

Recently, religion and state issues have passed into the hands of Haredi and Hardal (ultra-conservative) parties. As a result, city rabbis and representatives to the Chief Rabbinate who are not Zionists were elected; Matan Kahana's kashrut law was repealed to suit sectoral interests; the exclusion of women in the public sphere was expanded; and a state-oriented religious-Zionist voice is missing on issues of conversion, Shabbat, and personal status.

These processes have created a sense of alienation among parts of the religious-Zionist public towards the coalition parties that were part of this process. This phenomenon sharpened after the end of the primaries for the representatives of the Religious Zionism list, when Ofir Sofer and Michal Woldiger were left off the list.

The party bearing the name "Religious Zionism" represents only part of the sector, and its elected representatives are identified mainly with issues of settlement and security in Judea and Samaria. For the sake of clarity, these are important issues for many in the sector, and there will be those who will certainly vote for this party. My words are directed at people from the sector who are debating between the various parties, currently in the opposition, parties in which there are impressive and diverse religious candidates, whose personal positions are known, but not their parties' programs on issues of religion and state.

According to various polls, most of the religious-Zionist public is not Hardal and does not seek to establish a Halachic state. The majority seeks a balanced, state-oriented, and Halachic voice, but one that recognizes the complexity of life in a Jewish and democratic state and strives for its existence as such. Yossi Verter wrote in "Haaretz" after Minister Sofer's departure that "Religious Zionism has lost one of its last state-oriented voices," and emphasized that the political space has become a field where Hardal and Haredi actors define the agenda.

These things are reinforced in other polls, such as the poll by Dr. Menachem Lazar from the Lazar Research Institute, in which 53% of the religious-Zionist public believe that there is currently no party in the Knesset that represents them, a figure that jumps to 80% among liberal religious people. The question is which of the parties up for election also speaks on behalf of the value-based and practical issues that occupy the religious public, and it is important to understand that these are issues that affect the Jewish and democratic character of Israel and the general attitude towards Jewish values.

To win trust

Alongside security, economy, and Haredi conscription, alongside "yes Bibi" and "no Bibi," it is appropriate to clarify with Gadi Eisenkot, Naftali Bennett, Avigdor Lieberman, Yair Golan, and Hili Tropper, what is their attitude and plans also on important religion and state issues.

• On the issue of personal status, the religious-Zionist public expects a Halachic, state-oriented, and effective treatment in the field of agunot (chained women) and refusal to grant a get (divorce). This public asks that the state offer solutions for those who are ineligible for marriage and for those seeking recognized frameworks for marriage, and expects a Judaism of a welcoming face, for improving service in marriage registration in the Rabbinical courts. This is a public that believes in Halacha, but also in justice and public responsibility.

• In the public sphere, many in the religious-Zionist public seek a Jewish public appearance that has no coercion. The social survey of the CBS points to broad support of the Jewish population for greater separation between religion and state, and in my estimation, this is a counter-reaction to the Haredization of the discourse and aggressive legislation. Many seek a public space that respects all citizens, prevents the exclusion of women, allows and even assists in the holding of religious rituals in synagogues — but does not try to take over the public space.

• The issue of Shabbat. This issue also requires a complex and not populist approach. Many support local models that give decision-making power to local authorities, according to the composition of their residents. For example, to allow limited public transport on Shabbat, while taking into account areas where religious and Haredi people live.

Alongside maintaining a Jewish character and a state-oriented Shabbat as a national day of rest, solutions should be offered to populations that do not have a car, and to allow the opening of cultural and leisure institutions while prohibiting trade. Not coercion on the one hand and not provocation and "a finger in the eye" in the style of "Naor Narkis" on the other hand, but balances and agreements, in the spirit of the Gavison-Medan covenant.

• The field of conversion also requires a clear attitude. This is a strategic issue for the existence of the Jewish people in Israel in light of the waves of immigration to the country, which we hope will further expand and increase. The religious public asks for Halachic conversion without sectoral politics. Experience teaches, in general, that Zionist Orthodox compositions solved complex problems, while representatives of the Haredi monopoly created difficulties.

• The field of religious services. In the Lazar poll, it was found that improving the conduct of the Chief Rabbinate is an important issue for the religious-Zionist public. 47% said it is "very important," and 39% thought "quite important." This public expects the return of the professional and transparent Kahana reform in kashrut, expects professional and state-oriented activity in the religious councils, and expects a Zionist Chief Rabbinate — one that supports conscription, recognizes the state, and represents the entire Jewish public in Israel.

• Also in the field of women's status, it is desirable to know the parties' position before we choose them. Most of the religious-Zionist public expects the integration of women in leadership positions and the expansion of their role also in religious services. The majority opposes the exclusion of women in public spaces and holds a concept that recognizes that women are a central part of religious, communal, and public life.

The religious-Zionist public asks for statehood: asks to strengthen state institutions, to maintain an independent judicial system, and a unifying, not sectoral, public discourse. This is part of the ideological-state concept of a sectoral audience that wants to see its values reflected also in the political system.

To win the trust of this public, the parties and their leaders must present their plans also on issues of religion and state, without evasion and ambiguity. Clear positions on these issues may have significant weight in personal decisions on which party to choose. Leaders should recognize that these issues are an essential part of the identity of the religious-Zionist public.

The author previously served as a representative of the Mafdal in the Tel Aviv City Council and was the former chair of Emunah - the movement of religious-Zionist women.